Polotsky, Hans Jakob, b. Sep. 13, 1905, Zürich, Switzerland, d. Aug. 10, 1991, Jerusalem, Israel; Egyptologist, Semitist, and Orientalist.

P. was born to Russian-speaking parents who emigrated from the Crimea and settled in Germany. From an early age he was well versed in Classical languages, esp. in Greek, and studied hieroglyphic Egyptian and Hebrew. In the universities of Berlin and Göttingen he studied Egyptology (with K. Sethe), Semitic languages (with M. Lidzbarski), Iranian (with F. C. Andreas) and Turkic (with W. Bank). He also specialized in late Greek. During his studies and afterwards, P. was engaged in the Septuagint project directed by A. Rahlfs, and took active part in the study and publications of the Coptic Manichaean texts. His comprehensive article on “Manichäismus” (1935), based on the synthesis of all the sources in the various languages, has remained the most important research paper on the subject and P.’s only non-linguistic study. (It was translated into Italian and appeared sixty years later with updated notes [1996]). After the rise of Nazism P. left Germany, and in 1934 began teaching at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, where he became Professor of Egyptian and Semitic Linguistics and founded the Department of Linguistics and the Department of Egyptian. He was elected a member of the Israel academy of Sciences and Humanities, the Hebrew Language Academy, and the British, Danish, and Dutch academies, was awarded the Israel Prize, other prestigious prizes, and the gold Lidzbarski medal of the Deutche Morgenländische Gesellschaft, as well as some honorary doctorates.

This is a methodological and theoretical essay. In the following notes, I wish to present some reflections and raise certain questions on the tensions between terminology, conceptualization and analytic models on the one hand and linguistic reality on the other, focussing on an issue that has never ceased to fascinate me, namely the hierarchy between subtextual units — in particular, the so-called subordination or, more generally, ordination of one unit to another. In the context of Polotsky’s teaching and heritage invoked in this solemn gathering, and for Egyptian and Coptic linguists, first of all, this issue acquires a special significance and piquancy.

One hundred years after the birth of our Master and fourteen years after his sudden death, in the peak of his research activity, the scholarly world of linguistics is, both essentially and technically, very different from, and probably less attractive than the one he knew and worked in. Still, not one of the peculiarities of modern scholarship was unheralded or indeed unknown when he was still alive. We, his disciples, frequently wonder, sadly, as to what would his reaction and opinion have been: very probably dry and sarcastic, delivered with a quizzical smile, but never egocentric er self-involving. We would dearly like to have his comments on many new grammatically baffling loci in Coptic, Egyptian, Amharic, Neo-Aramaic — he would have commented on those with relish, a trenchant lucidity and, again, a wonderful humility in face of language and the text: “trust the text, not your own ideas and bias” was ever his guiding principle. This, the absence of overweening confidence in his ability of fathom the deeps of linguistic systems: Polotsky was a scholar of great humility in the presence of linguistic intricacy.

The second edition of Bentley Layton’s A Coptic Grammar with Chrestomathy and Glossary: Sahidic Dialect, so quickly replacing the first of 2000, can only be viewed with gratification, answering as it does the evident demand that it must imply. The main improvement and real expansion of the present edition is in its Index of Citations. (“Revised and Expanded With an Index of Citations”: the question of what constitutes “revision” — see Glenn E. Snyder’s review in RBL 3 (2005) — and the valency-grammar snag of whether “expanded with” can be seen as an alternative construction to “expanded by”, need hardly be addressed here. However, a list, technically easy to compile, of additions, omissions and replacements could have prevented misunderstanding and forestalled protest.) The Index of Citations is especially useful for Shenoute؛ in fact, it can serve as the basis of a “Shenoutean sub-grammar” (e.g. in isolating exclusively or predominantly Shenoutean usage — consider the Conjunctive, p. 283, or adnominal xe- in negative environment, §483). But it also brings home rather sharply a striking imbalance in documentation, as well as the programmatic limitations of the Grammar’s corpus database, already commented on in reviews of the first edition. One regrets that the author has not exploited the rare opportunity of a new edition coming out so soon after the first, to provide at the least some highlights for the grammatical usage of more Sahidic texts, from the Pistis Sophia to non-literary sources (including documents and such specialized textemes as medical prescriptions) and such “Late Sahidic” genres as martyrologies and other patristic sources, and cases like Drescher’s Legends, which are grammatically distinctive and probably illuminating for their glimpses into Coptic colloquial usage.

The Modern Welsh epistolary texteme is here introduced and briefly examined, on the basis of the correspondence of Kate Roberts and Saunders Lewis. Following some preliminary general comments on the texteme, six syntactical topics are discussed – the nynegocentric deixis and tensing; presentation; focalization, topicalization and related issues; the epistolary narrative; allocutive and reactive elements; parenthesis – with a view to demonstrating the special grammatical systems of this texteme which, despite its affinities with the dialogue, is idiosyncratic in perspective and juncture.

H. J. Polotsky’s “Syntaxe amharique et syntaxe turque” (1960a), the Master’s only article in a properly speaking General Linguistics (typological-comparative) genre, the paper opening Polotsky’s Collected Papers (Jerusalem: the Magnes Press, 1971), has drawn little attention outside the small circle of the Jerusalem School and its adherents, perhaps because of an hermetic quality of style, as well as the exclusive Ethiopistic forum of publication. And yet, it is a wonderful fruit of Polotsky’s annus mirabilis, an insightful and sensitive exposé of an instance of the non-geographical, cross-genealogical Sprachbund and what may be called the historical-connection-indifferent typological rapprochement As is generally realized today, the Sprachbund phenomenon is varied and complex, reflecting the variety of languages-in-contact scenarios and their historical configuration. The relatively rare non-adjacent or non-geographical Sprachbund is less well understood and falls between the stools of typological and genetic comparison, and goes, to mix metaphors, against the grain of conventional comparativist temperament.

The “Eurafrican” (so Wagner in Transactions of the Philological Society 1969) hypothesis, first outlined in modern times at least as early as 1990 by John Morris-Jones, has been for most of the last century associated almost exclusively with the names of Julius Pokorny and his disciple, Heinrich Wagner. I believe it now deserves detailed objective re-appreciation, in view of the considerable expansion in our knowledge of Celtic and the advance in the unveiling of the languages commonly known as Afro-Asiatic or Hamito-Semitic, and especially of Egyptian and Coptic. Although it is generally not clear which languages are invoked on the Afro-Asiatic side — “Semitic” (which languages?) “Egyptian” (which phase or phases in its near four millennia of evolution?), Arabic, North-West Semitic, Accadian, Berber — a vagueness contributive to the scepticism with which the theory is still regarded (not that there is a generally accepted idea about hierarchies and chronologies inside the Celtic branch of Indo-European); nor is there any real confidence about either the chronological parameters, or the hierarchical structuring of syntactical and non-syntactical comparata of the comparison.

In the following pages, I wish to present some preliminary reflections and some relevant documentation, upon attempting to understand the grammatical phenomenology of cohesion or linkage. This, I believe, is of the most fascinating, perhaps the most fascinating topic of syntax, for here is something close to the very quintessence of textuality — hence, of grammaticality itself, bearing in mind Louis Hjelmslev’s opening words in his Prolegomena: “The object of interest for linguistic science are texts” (not “languages” or “a language” — which is only a seeming paradox). My corpus for the following observations is triple: some of Kate Roberts’s short stories, and two novels (I am engaged in work on a comprehensive syntax of the corpus of K.R.’s fiction, on the basis of her editions and MSS, for which a pilot work, incorporating three monographic studies, appeared in 1998. The present paper may be seen as a cluster of preliminary work-notes to a chapter on juncture and textuality within this projected work. A second source is John Emyr’s collection of short stories, Mynydd Gwaith a storiau eraill (Denbych, 1984). A third source are some numbers of the defunct weekly magazine Y Faner.

This is beyond doubt the finest Coptic grammar ever written, a splendid achievement, masterfully carrying out the formidable task of making the leap from Stern’s pre-scientific (if insightful) Koptische Grammatik of 1880, to bridge a century of Coptic and Egyptian linguistic study. By painstaking and elegant grammatical charting, the Sahidic dialect of Coptic now has a definitive, authoritative description, which I daresay will be superseded only if the corpus changes considerably. The work consolidates the findings of almost a century of research work on Coptic grammar, adding numerous new insights in statements that result from a correct and penetrating analysis of complicated data. It opens much new ground, while providing a clear, even-handed and lucid account of established comprehension, and puts much in a fresh perspective, often contradicting orthodoxy and deepening or clarifying the insights offered in many a study.

The work under review presents in full, with a translation and extensive erudite philological, textual and grammatical annotations, detailed indices and long descriptive, historical and linguistics introductions, the elegant editio princeps of forty-four Coptic texts (fifty-four epistolary and documentary texts in all, of which fifty-two are papyri) from the site of Ismant el-Kharab (the Dakhle oasis, at the Roman-period village of Kellis). All were written to members or associates of a textile-processing Manichaean or Christian-Manichaean community at the place, and are datable to the fourth century A.D. (mainly 355–380). These texts are written in a special dialect of Coptic, which — as W.-P. Funk believes — may be the closest yet to “L” pure and simple — a dialect exhibiting some interesting features, on some of which I shall very briefly dwell in the following review (which focusses only on the linguistic, not historical or archaeological aspects of this exciting find). They are not easy, but are remarkable rich in interesting grammatical features and of considerable syntactic interest.

The linguistic study of Egyptian, fully deciphered only about 150 years ago, is a young discipline: modern Egyptian linguistics, dating more or less from the work of Hans-Jakob Polotsky, is much younger still: no more than about half a century old. Coptic, the final stage of Egyptian, dead as a spoken language at some point after the XIIIth century AD, had been scientifically known in the West from around the XVIIth century. It is a curious and somehow sobering thought that Champollion le Jeune probably got the brainwave and forward push to the final decipherment of the hieroglyphic script by a wholly and deeply erroneous idea about diachronic word order correspondence. He believed (or took for granted) that Coptic f-sôtm “he is hearing” (roughly, “he + hear”) was the inversion of a ‘pan-Egyptian’ sdm.f (“hear-he”), which, he thought, had the same tense form, but which - we now know - is in fact a cluster of homographs, drastically differing, formally and functionally, in tense form and syntactical status from one phase of Egyptian to another and within one and the same phase. The idea was wholly misguided, yet the confidence it gave him, and his conviction that Coptic and Egyptian were two phases of the same language were not unjustified, and led him to eventual success. Today we have a reasonably good synchronic resolution - and, paradoxically, a sometimes seemingly sharper diachronic resolution - of nearly four millennia of uninterrupted evolution of a language (or rather an ensemble of dialects and language varieties), made visible to us in the written documentation of five or six distinct broad linguistic systems (in the sense of la langue as well as norme and usage). Roughly, with some arbitrariness and considerable overlapping, Old Egyptian (“OE”, 2800-2200 BC), Middle Egyptian (“ME”, 2200-1500 BC), Late Egyptian (or Neo-Egyptian) (“LE”, 1500-700 BC); Demotic, from the VIIth-VIIIth century BC to the Vth century AD, and finally Coptic, ‘Christian Egyptian’, written in customized graphemic systems based on the Greek graphemes and several Egyptian ones, from the IVth century AD on, until its death as a spoken language: Arabic entered Egypt in the VIIth century AD, but Coptic probably lingered on until the XVIIth century. (Incidentally, Coptic is formally differentiated as ‘Egypto-Coptic’ in the current International Linguistic Bibliography. Roughly since the Fifties, Coptic Studies have moved away from Egyptology, a separation unfortunate for both Egyptology and Coptic studies, which has all but wiped out Coptic linguistics as a discipline). Most phases, as we conveniently and simplistically delimit them (ignoring here the relationships, complicated in Egyptian, between language phase and script phase, as well as the religious-political implications of traditional archaizing use of earlier phases) have considerable overlapping or ‘mutual leaking’ with preceding ones, as well as transitory stages, and of course numerous diasystems of registers and other linguistic varieties which become clearer as detailed description progresses. Some phases extend up to a thousand years, which makes the need for a finer sub-periodization obvious (Junge 1985). Generally speaking, we witness the uninterrupted evolution of a language on one and the same terrain, in its first attestation cradled in a Neolithic culture, before the end of its life-span a para-classical language, part of a pious and totally Christian civilization: very little secular literature is attested in Coptic.

The Nominal Sentence is a convenient code-name for a specific predicative pattern set primarily predicating nouns (that is substantives or adjectives) and pronominals, characterized, not by ‘the absence of a verb’, but as a distinct nexus type that is sometimes paradigmatically opposed (or, in given environments, opposition-neutralized) to both verbal and statal adverb-rheme nexus, and in any case one for which verbal nexus has no constitutive relevance. In the following pages I aim at a structural account — the système des valeurs (opposition and neutralization), definition, typology and documentation — of noun predication patterns on the basis of the Four Branches (Mabinogi) and Owein.